Nepal’s Monarchist Movement Hamstrung By Factionalism

India denies hand in Nepal imbroglio;

Update: 2025-03-31 04:27 GMT
Nepal’s Monarchist Movement Hamstrung By Factionalism
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The movement to restore the monarchical system in Nepal is gaining popular support due to the repeated failure of republican parties to give the country clean, stable and effective governments since monarchy was abolished in 2008.

But the movement is hamstrung by serious internal shortcomings. It continues to be faction-ridden. The latest division is between leaders who are professional politicians belonging to the royalist and Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), and non-political public figures, who share the RPP’s ideology and goals but act independently.

Currently, the ousted monarch Gyanendra Shah is backing the non-party leaders. The violent pro-monarchy demonstration in Kathmandu last Friday, was led by non-party personalities backed by Gyanendra Shah. These were 87- year old Naba Raj Subedi , a politician of the Panchayat Democracy era under the tutelage of the then monarch, and an entrepreneur Durga Prasai.

Two people were killed and 45 injured in unbridled violence which was controlled only by police firing. And among the dead was a journalist Suresh Rajak, who was filming footage for Avenues Television from the roof of a building which was set ablaze.

The attacks were premeditated and carefully planned, the media said. It was alleged that the pro-monarchy leaders had earlier sat down with the former King to chart out the plan for the March 28 protests.

“The ultimate responsibility for the day’s deaths and destruction thus lies with the ex-monarch—and he must be made to pay for it,” the Kathmandu Post said in an opinion piece.

The leaders of the pro-Monarchist party the Rashtriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) criticised the vandalism displayed at Friday’s rally. However, it plans to hold its own rally in Kathmandu on April 8.

The RPP believes that just like the movement which ousted the regime of hereditary Prime Ministers called Ranas, and the Kings’ regime thereafter, the current monarchist movement will have to be led by political parties, in a united and coordinated way.

The movement should have a clear programme for implementation which only seasoned political parties can ensure. Merely replacing the present rulers by a King would made no substantive difference to the situation in Nepal, they say.

No one in Nepal would contest the claim that there is a lot of discontent with the current political class. Nepal’s main political actors have time and again failed to deliver the goods. Corruption has been rampant. Oodles of services are promised but not delivered.

According to Kathmandu Post, while a desire for change appears justified, there are no credible signs of the majority of Nepalese wanting a return of the monarchy as such. Monarchy has been a discredited institution for long. The Nepalese people had to struggle long and hard to overthrow it in 2008. And after Friday’s rioting, pro-monarchy forces may have lost even the support they had prior to that, the Post felt.

A key force behind the “restore monarchy” movement is the Rashtriya Prajatantra Party (RPP). The RPP has never been a major force and is now only the fifth largest party in the Nepalese parliament. But it gets the spotlight because of its strong advocacy of monarchy in an age when monarchies are a rarity.

The RPP was established as an alternative force to the major political parties, namely, the Nepali Congress, Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist–Leninist) and Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre). The RPP aimed to promote democracy, constitutional monarchy, nationalism and economic liberalisation.

It had two factions – one led by Surya Bahadur Thapa (the liberal wing) and the other led by Lokendra Bahadur Chand (the conservative wing). Interestingly, in the beginning, the RPP voted to abolish the monarchy and turn Nepal into a secular republic. After the merger of the two factions in November 2016 it openly called for the formation of a Hindu State guided by Sanatana Dharma. However, it guaranteed full freedom for people to practice other religions.

On March 17, 2017, the Election Commission wanted that portion in the RPP constitution advocating a Hindu state and monarchy removed because it was a violation of the Nepalese constitution. This was reiterated on January 22, 2022.

But the RPP stuck to its demands, which were, a ceremonial monarchy, a directly elected prime minister, a parliament elected on the basis of proportional representation and the abolition of provincial autonomy.

When ex-King Gyanendra made a grand entry into Kathmandu recently after a much publicised tour of the country, the welcoming crowds were carrying placards and portraits of Yodi Adityanath, the Chief Minister of the Indian State of Uttar Pradesh. Adityanath belongs to the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) which advocates the transformation of secular Nepal into a Hindu State.

King Gyanendra’s royal lineage is tied to the Hindu religious institution headed by Adityanath. The display of Yogi Adityanath’s portrait gave rise to rumours that the BJP government in New Delhi is backing Gyanendra as he is a votary of the move of to make Nepal a Hindu State.

However, the government of India clarified that it has no role in the monarchist movement. In a meeting with Nepalese Foreign Minister Ms. Arzu Rana Deuba last Tuesday, on the side lines of the 10 th., Raisina Dialogue in New Delhi, Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar said India has no hand in the pro-monarchy activities in Nepal.

“I told Jaishankar ji that some people in Kathmandu and even in India claim that New Delhi is supporting the pro-monarchy and pro-Hindu movement in Nepal. I asked him whether such claims are true. But he categorically denied it,” Ms.Deuba told Kathmandu Post.

Be that as it may, what is noticeable is that the monarchists are not able to argue their case cogently and rationally. They have no idea of what to do to fix Nepal’s chronic economic, administrative and political problems. All they appear to have is a blind faith that with the King in the Narayanhiti palace, and Hinduism guiding him and the nation, all will be well and Nepal will again shine on the world stage.

Even the Maoist-turned-United Marxist Leninist turned-royalist Durga Prasai, has no clear answer to the question whether he wants a Bhutanese or British model of monarchy in Nepal. He and his ilk have no idea how to fix the country's ailing economy, stop hordes of people deserting the land, improve Nepal’s global stature, or thwart challenges to its autonomy from the two proximate powers, India and China.

Most people rallying for the cause of reinstating Gyanendra at the Narayanhiti Palace seemed to be youths disillusioned by the political parties’ corrupt practices and blatant exploitation of national wealth for private enrichment.

Ex-King Gyanendra is not an inspiring figure either according to the Kathmandu Post. He will be 80 soon. His son, Paras, is known as a reckless man, and of frail health given to drinks and substance abuse. He is also publicly known to shun any thought of being King. Gyanendra’s grandson, Hridayendra, is barely out of college.

Writing in Kathmandu Post, Mohan Guragain expressed scepticism about Gyanendra sustaining the movement. At best, the monarchist movement could be an outlet for outpourings of public frustration over the worsening conditions in Nepal. At worst, it might help interested foreign parties dream about establishing a Hindu monarchy in Nepal.

But the movement has been a wakeup call for the current crop of Nepalese politicians. If they fail to reform, Nepal might come under the tutelage of an autocrat claiming a divine right to rule.

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